After the Battle 159 - The Battle for the Reichswald (2013).pdf

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BATTLE OF THE
REICHSWALD
No. 159
£5.00
NUMBER 159
© Copyright
After the Battle
2013
Editor: Karel Margry
Editor-in-Chief: Winston G. Ramsey
Published by
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The ‘Veritable’ offensive was extensively covered by the photographers of the Army
Film and Photo Unit (AFPU). Sergeants Norman Midgley, Harry Ames and ‘Slim’ Hewitt
covered the operations of the 15th (Scottish) Division; Sergeant Albert Wilkes went with
the 53rd (Welsh) Division and Sergeant Johnny Silverside and Ken Higgins accompanied
the 51st (Highland) Division, while Sergeants Charlie Crocker, Jimmy Christie and Arthur
Jones stood ready to cover the actions of the follow-up divisions later on. Captain Colin
McDougall and Lieutenant Michael Dean covered the two Canadian divisions.
Above
and opposite:
On the morning of February 8, Sergeant Hewitt pictured men of the 2nd
Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders, part of the 15th Division’s 227th Brigade, moving
into battle near Groesbeek. The Churchill tanks are from the 3rd Scots Guards.
OPERATION ‘VERITABLE’
Planning for what later became Operation
‘Veritable’ — a south-easterly push between
the Maas and Rhine rivers from Nijmegen in
the Netherlands through the Reichswald for-
est and into the German Rhineland — was
first begun by Lieutenant-General Sir Brian
Horrocks’ British XXX Corps in early Octo-
ber 1944, after the failure of the Arnhem air-
borne venture. The outline plan made by
XXX Corps (known as ‘Wyvern’) was handed
over to the Canadians when they relieved that
corps in the Nijmegen area in early Novem-
ber. At Headquarters First Canadian Army,
the tacit assumption was that the operation
(then known as ‘Valediction’) would be
undertaken by Canadian II Corps.
On December 6 Field-Marshal Bernard L.
Montgomery, commander of the British 21st
Army Group, visited Lieutenant-General
Harry Crerar, commander of the First Cana-
dian Army, and discussed his army’s future
operations. There is no actual record of the
discussion but the following day Crerar’s
plans section recorded that it was understood
that Montgomery desired that ‘Valediction’
should be ‘under the control of British Sec-
ond Army’, and that the Americans should
take over from his army group the area south
of Roermond (then held by XXX Corps).
That same day, December 7, at a confer-
ence at Maastricht, attended by the Supreme
Allied Commander, General Dwight D.
Eisenhower, and his two principal land com-
manders, Montgomery and Lieutenant-Gen-
eral Omar N. Bradley of the US 12th Army
Group, the question of future Allied strategy
for the war in north-western Europe was
argued out. It was agreed to keep up the
pressure on the enemy through the winter.
The main attack was to be north of the Ruhr.
This was now again to be entrusted to Mont-
gomery’s 21st Army Group, with an Ameri-
can army under command.
Just before the conference, on the out-
skirts of Maastricht, Montgomery had met
General Horrocks and discussed the opera-
tion to break through the Reichswald posi-
tion south-east of Nijmegen with him. Hor-
rocks said he would need five divisions — the
number indicated in the ‘Wyvern’ plan — if
he was given the task; and after the confer-
ence, Montgomery telephoned to say that he
would get them and that he was to start
thinking out the operation.
That same evening Montgomery tele-
phoned Crerar and said he had had a talk
with the Supreme Commander and that the
Americans would take over the southern
part of the British front. Having thought over
the Reichswald operation, Montgomery now
considered that the Canadian Army should
have the responsibility for it. The target date
was January 1, 1945. Crerar’s memorandum
of the conversation proceeds: ‘I would need
another corps for this, and XXX Corps,
including up to four infantry and one
armoured divisions, would be at disposal.
Whether I decided Canadian or XXX Corps
to do [the operation], XXX Corps would
require to be brought in on right of Canadian
Army for future reasons.’
Although Montgomery had courteously
left the formal decision to Crerar, in the cir-
cumstances he had described logic demanded
that XXX Corps should conduct the offen-
sive; and at a conference at Headquarters
First Canadian Army later that evening it was
explained, ‘First Canadian Army’s offensive
will, initially, be undertaken by British XXX
Corps.’ The code-name ‘Valediction’ was
now changed to ‘Veritable’.
Detailed planning for ‘ Veritable’ contin-
ued through the second week of December,
with close consultation between British and
Canadian headquarters. Following a confer-
ence with Montgomery on December 9,
Crerar issued a preliminary directive to Corps
Commanders on the 10th. On the 14th he sent
an amended directive. The initial phase was to
be the business of XXX Corps. Subsequently
Canadian II Corps would come in on the left.
However, the 3rd Canadian Infantry Division
was to take part in Phase 1 under XXX Corps.
CONTENTS
THE BATTLE OF THE REICHSWALD
NORTH AFRICA
Western Desert Battlefield Tours
GERMANY
The International Tracing Service
UNITED KINGDOM
The Kingsclere Massacre
NEW BOOK
The Desert War Then and Now
2
41
44
48
54
Front Cover:
This Sherman on display outside
the Groesbeek Liberation Museum commem-
orates the Nottinghamshire Yeomanry for their
part in the liberation of the Netherlands and the
Reichswald battle. (Karel Margry)
Back Cover:
A field cemetery at Sidi Rezegh
where fierce battles raged for days in
November 1941 — pictures from
The Desert
War Then and Now.
The old tomb of a holy
man still stands, exactly the same as it did
seven decades ago.
Acknowledgements:
The main text for the
Battle of the Reichswald story is taken from
The Victory Campaign
(Volume III of the
Official History of the Canadian Army in the
Second World War) by Colonel C. P. Stacey
(Roger Duhamel: Ottawa, 1960) published by
authority of the Canadian Minister of
National Defence. For help with the
Reichswald story, the Editor would like to
thank Martijn Bakker, Marco Cillessen, Coert
Comans, Fenny Visscher and Colonel Nick
Lock. Our thanks also to Kathrin Flor of the
International Tracing Service.
Photo Credit Abbreviations:
IWM — Imperial
War Museum; LAC — Library and Archives
Canada; NIOD — Nederlands Instituut voor
Oorlogsdocumentatie, Amsterdam; USNA —
US National Archives.
2
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On February 8, 1945, the First Canadian Army launched Operation
‘Veritable’, a massive offensive designed to conquer the northern
half of the German Rhineland and obtain positions favourable for
a later assault across the Rhine. From jump-off positions near
Nijmegen in the Netherlands, British XXX Corps (operating under
Canadian command) launched three British and two Canadian
infantry divisions in a concentrated assault towards the south-
east and into Germany. Their area of operations was narrow and
constricted by the Rhine river in the north and the Maas river in
the south. Prime obstacle to their advance was the Reichswald
Forest, an impenetrable area of dense woodland right on the
Dutch-German frontier, stretching some 14 kilometres from east
to west and eight kilometres from north to south. Through it ran
the northern spur of the daunted Siegfried Line, its defensive for-
tifications anchored on the towns of Kleve in the north and Goch
in the south. In two weeks of grim and costly fighting, the British
and Canadians battled their way through and past the forest,
overcoming mud, rain, floods and fierce German resistance. By
February 21 they had emerged from the woods, broken through
the Siegfried Line and captured both Kleve and Goch.
THE BATTLE OF THE REICHSWALD
Montgomery issued his own directive on
‘Veritable’ on December 16. The general
concept was thus stated: ‘Before we can
begin to develop successfully large-scale
operations across the Rhine we must clear
the enemy completely from the west of the
river, and must join up with the American
Ninth Army coming up from the south; we
must in fact be in undisputed possession of
all territory west of the Rhine from inclusive
the general line Orsoy-Venlo northwards.’
On the morning Montgomery issued this
directive, the Germans launched their major
counter-offensive in the Ardennes in a final
great gamble for victory in the West.
Throughout the critical battle in the
Ardennes, in spite of commitments there and
the threat to the northern front, neither
Montgomery nor Crerar lost sight of the
requirements of their Rhineland offensive.
On January 16, in conference with Crerar,
Montgomery outlined his plan ‘to get Allied
forces across the River Rhine, north of the
Ruhr, in strength’. This plan, presupposing
clearance of the Rhineland, could only be
carried out with extensive American assis-
tance and, at the time of the discussion, the
Right:
Without farms or roads to identify
the location, matching up photos in the
rolling countryside around Groesbeek is
difficult. The Argylls jumped off from
positions along Wylerbaan, the road link-
ing Groesbeek with Wyler further north.
This is the view from that road, looking
east across the fields towards Germany
and the Reichswald. The silver-steel col-
umn on the right is the Veritable Memor-
ial, erected in 1990 and commemorating
that this was the starting point for Mont-
gomery’s great offensive.
3
question of whether the US Ninth Army
would be left under Montgomery’s control
had not been decided. However, this diffi-
culty had been resolved when, five days later,
Montgomery issued a formal directive
announcing his intention of destroying ‘all
enemy in the area west of the Rhine from the
present forward positions south of Nijmegen
as far south as the general line Jülich-Düssel-
dorf, as a preliminary to crossing the Rhine
and engaging the enemy in mobile war to the
north of the Ruhr’. The enemy’s situation
was described in precisely the words used in
the earlier directive issued the day the battle
began in the Ardennes. Following the pat-
tern then outlined, Montgomery visualised
converging attacks by the First Canadian and
US Ninth Armies. The target date for ‘Veri-
By Colonel Charles P. Stacey
table’, the Canadian operation, was February
8; but that for ‘Grenade’, the American one,
could not yet be fixed.
Commencing on January 18, British
XXX Corps, 51st (Highland) and 53rd
(Welsh) Divisions and ancillary formations
had returned to General Crerar’s command
for ‘Veritable’. When the Army Comman-
der addressed his senior officers on the
22nd, he noted that the concentration of
‘most of the additional forces required for
the operation’ was well advanced. The
overall plan for ‘Veritable’, he pointed out,
had not been materially changed during the
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CANADIAN OFFICIAL HISTORY
month-long delay imposed by the emer-
gency in the Ardennes, but remained as he
had outlined it in December. He empha-
sised how vital it was to achieve surprise —
chiefly by the elimination of ‘prolonged
preliminary bombardment’ and the substi-
tution of ‘really overwhelming fire’ from
the air and the ground as the operation
commenced, or was about to commence.
He reminded his hearers of the conse-
quence of ‘keeping the initiative, maintain-
ing the momentum of the attack and of dri-
ving on, and through, the enemy without
let-up’. And finally he directed them to
ensure that ‘all ranks taking an active part
in the operation are adequately briefed and
that all obtain a clear appreciation not only
of what is expected of them, but of the
importance of the contribution which each
man can, and must, make’.
4
Although the push through the dense Reichswald forest was the most daunting part
of ‘Veritable’ (a task for which the 53rd Division, in close co-operation with its
assigned supporting armoured units, had organised extensive special training in for-
est fighting in its staging areas around Helmond in the weeks prior to the operation
to discover the best methods to overcome the problem), the operation entailed more
than a push through the woods. In the north, where the Germans had flooded nearly
all of the low-lying area stretching between the forest and the Rhine river, the Cana-
dians had to resort to amphibious operations in order to carry their attacking units to
the isolated village objectives. However, most important of all was the opening of
the roads that led north and south of the forest, to Kleve and Goch respectively,
which were needed to gain the open country beyond where armoured exploitation
could take place. The most vital task fell to the 15th Division which had to open up
the narrow corridor to Kleve, requiring a rapid push between the inundated area in
the north and the forest in the south.
On January 23 Field-Marshal Mont-
gomery indicated that preparations by the
US First Army for an offensive towards
Bonn might have a delaying effect on ‘Veri-
table’ and ‘Grenade’, since the latter could
not begin until the Ninth Army had been
brought up to a strength of 12 divisions.
However, he assured General Crerar that he
would have six days’ warning of any post-
ponement of ‘Veritable’. In the interests of
Getting all the troops, guns and supplies for ‘Veritable’ concentrated into the constricted
area around Nijmegen was a major logistical operation, particularly because there were
only two good roads leading into it from the south; one across the Maas bridge at
Grave, the other across a Bailey bridge built over the Maas at Mook. The heavy traffic
wreaked havoc on these and all other roads, especially when it began to thaw, and thou-
sands of pioneers — 50 engineer companies, three road construction companies and 29
pioneer companies — were employed to maintain them. Sergeant Higgins pictured
Dutch civilians helping to repair the damage to a road in Nijmegen made by the passage
of tanks on February 8, the first day of the offensive. As they work, an endless column of
wheeled transport continues to roll past on their way to the front.
THE ADMINISTRATIVE FOUNDATION
While senior commanders and their staffs
hammered out final details of the opera-
tional plan, a great administrative ‘build-up’
provided the sinews for ‘Veritable’. The wide
scope of these requirements can only be sug-
gested here, but their importance to the suc-
cess of the operation can scarcely be exag-
gerated. Basically, there were three
essentials: rations for the troops, ammunition
for their weapons and what military termi-
nology described as ‘POL’ — that is, petrol,
oil and lubricants for their vehicles. Since the
strength of First Canadian Army was to rise
as high as 449,865 during the operations, with
civilian labour, prisoners, etc, raising the
total number of mouths to feed to 476,193 at
its peak, the problem of supplying rations
alone was no small one.
From the outset a heavy burden fell upon
the Royal Army Service Corps and Royal
Canadian Army Service Corps for the actual
movement of supplies, and on the Royal
Engineers and Royal Canadian Engineers
for the maintenance of routes and bridges.
But maintenance depended, in turn, on the
weather, and this proved fickle. Although
cold weather and firm ground persisted
throughout most of January — the tempera-
ture sank to 5° Fahrenheit on the 26th — a
thaw set in at the end of the month, and
routes soon deteriorated under the heavy
traffic. By February 5 a section of the Turn-
hout-Eindhoven road was ‘impassable even
to Jeeps in four-wheel drive’ and the Chief
Engineer at Army Headquarters commented
ruefully, ‘We have had every disadvantage
possible in weather with the highest flooding
in 14 years in November, the lowest water
level ever recorded in January, a severe frost
followed by very rapid thaw, bad icing condi-
tions and now another flood.’ For a time,
nearly 50 companies of engineers, plus three
road construction companies and 29 pioneer
companies, were fully employed in maintain-
ing the roads in the British-Canadian sector.
surprise, ‘no forward assembly of formations
concerned’ would begin until February 2.
Lieutenant-General Willam H. Simpson,
commanding the Ninth Army, was requested
to make every possible effort to launch
‘Grenade’ by the 15th. General Crerar issued
his own directive on Operation ‘Veritable’ to
the commanders of the British I and XXX
and Canadian II Corps on January 25.
One week later he was advised that D-
Day had been confirmed for February 8. It
would go in whatever the weather. ‘The C-
in-C considered that the urgency was so
great that it was undesirable to delay the
operation, even by 24 hours, in order to
obtain air support.’ This presumably
reflected a SHAEF directive issued the
same day which instructed Montgomery to
mount ‘Veritable’ ‘at the earliest date and
not later than February 8’.
The same houses still stand along Graafseweg, the main road into Nijmegen from Grave.
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