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The Rise of the South African Reich
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The Rise of the South African Reich
Author/Creator
Publisher
Date
Resource type
Language
Subject
Coverage (spatial)
Source
Rights
Description
South Africa, Germany
Northwestern University Libraries, Melville J. Herskovits
Library of African Studies, 960.5P398v.12cop.2
By kind permission of Brian P. Bunting.
"This book is an analysis of the drift towards Fascism of the
white government of the South African Republic. It
documents the close affinities of thought and action
between such men as Malan, Strijdom, Verwoerd, and
Vorster and the German Nazi leaders, and traces the
contact maintained by the Nationalist Party with Nazis from
the 1940s to the 1960s."
335 pages
Bunting, Brian; Segal, Ronald
Penguin Books
1964
Books
English
Format extent
(length/size)
http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.SFF.DOCUMENT.crp3b10036
http://www.aluka.org
FBOI IND
FBOI IND
-li
PENGUIN AFRICAN LIBRARY API2 Edited by Ronald Segal
The Rise of the South African Reich
BRIAN BUNTING
a
'A
BRIAN BUNTING
The Rise of the South African Reich
Penguin Books
I
|0
vi.
Penguin Books Ltd, Harmondsworth, Middlesex u.s.A.: Penguin Books Inc., 3300
Clipper Mill Road, Baltimore ii, Md AUSTRALIA: Penguin Books Pty Ltd, 762
Whitehorse Road, Mitchan, Victoria
First published 1964
Copyright © Brian Bunting, 1964
Made and printed in Great Britain by Cox & Wyman Ltd, London, Fakenham and
Reading
Set in Monotype Plantin
This book is sold subject to the condition that it shall not, by way of trade, be lent,
re-sold, hired out, or otherwise disposed of without the publisher's consent, in any
form of binding or cover other than that in which it is published
I
-
Contents
Acknowledgements
Map
8
Editorial Foreword
i The Birth of the Nationalist Party
2 The First Nationalist Government
3 The Broederbond
4 Followers of Hitler
5 In the Shadow of War
6 Armed Struggle
7 The Draft Constitution
8 Making Power Secure
6
9
13
34
47
54
69
80
94
120
9 South Africa's Nuremberg Laws
142
iO Eliminating all Opposition
16o
ii Indoctrinating the Young
193
12 The Control of Ideas
223
13 Taming the Trade Unions
252
14 The Conquest of Economic Power
279
15 Iron and Blood
295
16 The Rot
317
Index
327
., I ) '~
Acknowledgements
I would like to express my thanks to the many men and women in South Africa
who helped me in the preparation of this book. In consequence of the situation
which prevails in my unhappy country at the present time, I am unable to mention
their names for fear that they may be victimized, but I would like them to know
that their assistance has been most deeply appreciated and is hereby gratefully
acknowledged.
This book is dedicated to all those in South Africa who are : fighting against
enormous odds to free their country from unendurable tyranny. Long terms of
imprisonment and even the death penalty face opponents of the Nationalist
government who fall foul of their oppressive laws. It is my hope that this book
may help to mobilize public opinion in support of the growing international
campaign to end the most vicious regime the world has known since the death of
Hitler.
BRIAN BUNTING
.j&LAO
/d
A
'The history of the Afrikaner reveals a determination and a definiteness of purpose
which make one feel that Afrikanerdom is not the work of man but a creation of
God. We have a Divine right to be Afrikaners. Our history is the highest work of
art of the Architect of the centuries.' Dr D. F. Malan
'It was the Aryan alone who founded a superior type of humanity; therefore he
represents the archetype of what we understand by the term: MAN .... It was not
by mere chance that the first forms of civilization arose there where the Aryan
came into contact with inferior races, subjugated them and forced them to obey
his command.' Adolf Hitler in Mein Kampf
Editorial Foreword
Until recently South Africa was still hesitating at the frontier of terror. One civil
liberty after the other had been ceremoniously killed, but a few legal safeguards
survived to protect at least those citizens who were aware of them against
persistent outrage. Africans were banished for years to desolate stretches of the
country, and the more vigorous opponents of government policy, White as well as
black banned from all gatherings, restricted to their magisterial districts, placed
under house arrest, and prevented from communicating their views in speech or
print. Yet, by comparison with consummate terrors like the German Third Reich,
South Africa remained a mere approach. Africans, Indians, and Coloured were
frequently beaten up in police cells, but the process was disliked, in the main, by
authority, and policemen were occasionally prosecuted for assault. Those who
were arrested and held by the police unduly could be released by a habeas corpus
application, or at least charged and brought to trial in open court. Citizens were
detained without charge or trial nevertheless, but only during a State of
Emergency, a claim by the government of exceptional circumstances.
Then, with the General Law Amendment Act of May 1963, South Africa finally
crossed the frontier of terror. The new law empowered the Minister of Justice to
detain anyone he pleased, without charge or trial, for indefinitely recurring
periods of ninety days, and to extend, till death if he so chose, the imprisonment
of those who had already served their sentences. The new law - and this was its
obvious intention - has outlawed law itself. For what meaning is left to legal
procedure if, after trial and deliberate sentencing, a prisoner can be kept in gaol
long after the set date
9
i-i-zI~-*
EDITORIAL FOREWORD
of his release? And what purpose can there be to a trial at all, if the Minister can
simply ignore acquittal and imprison the accused from the court-room to the
grave? There is now no longer in South Africa any legal protection against the
Minister of Justice; he may imprison whom he pleases for as long as he likes.
Nor is this all. Those detained - and no one but the Minister need know who or
how many they are - are kept in solitary confinement, with no visitors allowed
except a magistrate, a carefully selected government employee, once a week.
They are permitted no writing material and no books but the Bible - most African
detainees have been denied even that - and are under the complete jurisdiction of
the political police. Prisoners are shifted suddenly from one city to another, so
that their relatives may be ignorant of their whereabouts and the circumstances of
their custody concealed. Perhaps no recent report to have come from voluntary
welfare workers in South Africa is more horrible than that of police throwing the
clothes of African detainees upon the pavement, laughing while the relatives
scramble to sort out the pieces, and speculating aloud to each other on who among
the detainees is likely to hang. Increasingly the police want to feel - and display -
their power.
One African detainee from Cape Town, Looksmart Solwandle Ngadle, is
officially alleged to have committed suicide by hanging himself in his cell at a
Pretoria gaol. Persistent rumour, however, suggests a different death, and notes
smuggled out of gaol by detainees tell of constant assaults by the police,
interrupted only by interrogation. An Indian, Ebrahim Siyanvala, was released
from detention and then, on his way home, arrested for a minor traffic offence. He
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